Most importantly, Beijing opposes the use of space-based equipment is missile defence systems, such as the space-based sensors and intercept warheads in outer space potentially to be deployed is planed US missile defence systems. China is concerned that the US deployment of missile defences, especially national missile defence NMD , will negate its strategic nuclear deterrent, potentially forcing China into an expensive arms race that it cannot currently afford.
China’s Outer Space Programme: Diplomacy of Competition or Co-operation?
Without a formal multilateral agreement banning the deployment of space-based weapons, the United States will have an increasing strategic advantage for the foreseeable future. For example, in early , a war game in Colorado pitted the United States against an opponent threatening a small neighbour i. As a result of these reports, China increasingly views itself as the target of US increased militarisation and possible weaponisation of space It also means that China offers a whole new range of space co-operation options. Europe is already increasing space co-operation with China.
Germany participated earlier in Chinese communications satellite development. The first was launched in July For the United States, the same issues that have limited other exchanges technology transfer, human rights and weapons sales will have to be overcome before China can become a space partner In May , Chinese and Russian industrial representatives signed an agreement for co-operation on ten projects. In , China and Russia signed a protocol for space co-operation.
In April , the Russian President Boris Yeltsin signed a joint understanding on space co-operation with Chinese space officials that included training Chinese specialists at Russia's cosmonaut training facility at Star City. By the end of the Russian Space Agency was reported to be close to signing contracts with China concerning commercial spacecraft launches, although it is unclear what the outcome was. Similarly, details regarding a framework agreement between China and Kazakhstan in remain elusive. The assistance from Russia and the former Soviet Republics provides the greatest source of space co-operation for China, because Russia does not place significant restrictions on its co-operation.
The priority areas the Chinese identified were the purchase of a domestic communications satellite system and access to NASA's earth resource sensing satellites The Chinese announced its intent to market its satellite launches on the international market in This forced the Chinese government to focus its attention on its relations with the United States. In fact, all commercial communication satellites are manufactured by US companies or include US components which have meant that export licences are required. Beijing has said it is not engaged in competition with the other space powers.
But weaponisation of outer space many not be a dominant issue among the space-faring nations. There are technical issues which catch attention such as dual-use technology, the stormy remote sensing regime may have greater implications in space policy-making in the future. China acceded to the Outer Space Treaty in December 30th The Outer Space Treaty is the most comprehensive of all the international agreements concerned with outer space, containing measures on both the peaceful uses of outer space and arms limitation in that environment.
The Outer Space Treaty is a weapons-specific treaty, which prohibits, inter alia, the placing or testing of nuclear weapons or any other kinds of weapons of mass destruction in outer space The Limited Test Ban Treaty and the Environmental Modification Convention are two activity-specific instruments that do not prohibit the placing or use of weapons in outer space but do cover certain effects, which the use of these devices could have on the outer space environment.
This includes the testing of any nuclear weapons or any other nuclear explosion, as well as engagements in military or any other hostile use of environmental modification techniques in particular circumstances. Other constraints on military use of outer space, as mentioned earlier, include bilateral agreements undertaken between the United States and the former Soviet Union, the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty being the most important of such agreements to date.
The Moon Agreement, which contains some very important prohibitions of military use of outer space, has been signed or ratified by only thirteen states. As a result, the international regime on outer space is not as extensive as it may appear. The problem of treaty adherence implies that, among the major prohibitions related to weapons and other military use of outer space, only those inscribed in the Outer Space Treaty are in force for the majority of the international community.
Prohibitions in weapons-specific agreements do not comprise all possible forms of military use technologies. Major efforts to improve the international regime directed to closing the gap regarding the placing into orbit of conventional or other weapons, which are not considered weapons of mass destruction. These efforts coupled with initiatives to establish a total ban on research, production, testing, storage, and the use of Earth or space-based systems designed to damage, destroy or interfere with the operations of objects in outer space. However, these initiatives are faced with major problems of political, military, practical and financial natures, which countries have for years failed to surmount.
It also suggests that China may be developing a direct-ascent anti-satellite ASAT weapon, systems to jam US navigation satellite signals, and ground-based lasers to damage optical sensors on satellites. Zhang Houying, a space application specialist at the Chinese Academy of Sciences explained in February that Shenzhou spacecraft carry equipment for military surveillance. The Shenzhou V carries a camera capable of a ground resolution of 1. The Bush administration will most likely continue to avoid any agreement that could curtail its plans to develop and deploy missile defence systems.
In session of the UNCD, the Bush administration seemed unwilling to alter its stance, even if it meant continued stagnation on other issues such as a fissile material treaty. Officially, the United States has opposed the formation of an ad hoc committee, in part criticising the ambiguity of the proposed mandate.
As a result, China has blocked further work on a treaty to control fissile material, which the United States believes to be a priority for the UNCD. This has lead to stalemate since , preventing agreement on a Programme of Work and essentially stalling the work of the entire Conference. The United States, however, found this compromise unacceptable since the assumption remained that the final product of these discussions would be in the form of a formal agreement In May , the delegations of China and Russian Federation jointly presented a working paper to the UNCD, in the hope that all other delegations will carefully study, support and co-sponsor this paper.
But in September , the UNCD once again ended its session without reaching an agreement on a programme of work However, the exact military applications that the Chinese envisage are at best speculative at this stage. China also plans to build and orbit its own space station.
Official authorization to start its development was granted in February and, since then, a test chamber has been built The manned space flight, therefore, must be seen in the context of integrated civil-military benefits. Establishing independent satellite navigation and positioning systems, so critical for military missions, and surveillance capabilities from space are part of that plan. While such capabilities are impressive, they do not necessarily translate into improved ICBM expertise. Chinese satellite and space programmes are a nearly indiscernible mix of civilian and military components and research which takes place at joint military and commercial facilities.
Cyberwar, Netwar and the Revolution in Military Affairs. This includes Information Warfare such as computer network attacks. Fischer, Richard D. Butt, Yousaf. Bruno, Michael, Fulghum, David A. Kan, Shirley. Washington D. Rathgeber, Wolfgang. Implications for Europe.
School Lists & Yearbooks
Vienna: ESPI. June June 2. Janes Intelligence Review Mar. The Honorable Kyl, Jon. Heritage Lectures No. Senator Markey Press Release. Bates, Gill and Kleiber, Martin.
United Nations. Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space. New York: Taylor, United States. The White House. US National Space Policy. Putin, Vladimir. Speech at the 43 rd Munich Conference on Security Policy. Shen, Dingli. With streaming services crowding the TV space with new series every week, new shows need to stick out in some way to survive, and The Orville is a show that defies trends, for better or worse.
OtherSpace: The 2001 Yearbook
It's not another show about a murder investigation, it's not about a doctor who's outstanding in their field but whose personal life is a mess and it's not about a person with special powers. And because one scene of The Orville can feature a gag about aliens singing the Titanic soundtrack and U-turn to discussion of the destruction of entire planets and species, it also appeals to two groups of fans who can show up in droves, tone be damned — the growing number of proud self-professed sci-fi geeks and the reliable fans of low-brow comedy.
We're bringing in a whole groups of people who would normally not be in the same boat watching the same shows. It's just that those people aren't critics. Not that The Orville would want it any other way. And that will make fans happy. The Season 1 finale is scheduled for Dec. Sign up and add shows to get the latest updates about your favorite shows - Start Now.
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